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Speech by Bjørn Berge, Deputy Secretary General of the Council of Europe

Thank you, Villano.

A very good morning to all of you.

Minister Balázs Hankó,

Ambassador Pap Ndiaye,

Parliamentarians,

Excellencies,

Dear friends,

Albert Einstein defined “academic freedom” as both a right and a duty.

Speaking in the 1950s, during the McCarthy era, he said:

“By academic freedom I understand the right to search for truth and to publish and teach what one holds to be true.”

He went on, “This right implies also a duty: one must not conceal any part of what one has recognised to be true.”

Einstein would have been all too aware of the elimination of academic freedom in Nazi Germany and in Stalinist Russia.

He knew that, to save their jobs, and often their lives, academics during these times could not necessarily publish and teach what they held to be true — that they had to conceal what they had recognised to be true, or face the consequences.

But the consequences usually go far beyond the lives of an individual academic.

As academic freedom is fundamental to critical thinking, informed public debate, and active citizenship.

When academic freedom is restricted and removed, spaces for open and honest debate disappear.

And as the freedom to speak the truth and voice criticism – even of governments – disappears – so does democracy.

Dear friends,

Academic freedom is not a privilege. Something that looks good on paper.

It is actually crucial for human development and understanding.

This year’s award of the Nobel prize in economics to Philippe Aghion, Peter Howitt and Joel Mokyr reminds us that growth and innovation very much depend on freedom of research and ideas.

Their work on the historical and structural conditions of technological progress demonstrates that no economy can prosper sustainably when knowledge is constrained or subject to ideological control.

You see that when knowledge is subject to ideological control, it is extremely difficult for universities and academics to address all the key issues in their research, and thereby seek relevant solutions to problems and challenges that we face.

At the same time, academic exchanges and cooperation become constrained, and ideas cease to flow.

And academic freedom is, as I pointed to, an essential foundation for democratic resilience.

Universities and academic institutions must be places where people can express their reasoned ideas, without fear, be it on politics, sciences, or any subject relevant to public life.

Because when spaces for honest and open debate disappear, critical voices, whether of academics, journalists or activists, fall silent.

The Reykjavik Principles for Democracy reaffirm that academic freedom, institutional autonomy and freedom of expression are the key cornerstones of democracy.

And that is why it is very worrying that — according to the latest Academic Freedom Index — academic freedom has declined significantly – not a little or marginally, but significantly – in 34 countries in Europe over the past decade — including in several so-called established democracies.

And later today, a new report, “The Erosion of Academic Freedom in Europe”, will be launched, here at this conference.

And it paints a very concerning picture of the state of academic freedom in some parts of Europe.

There is no doubt that pressures are mounting across Europe and throughout the world. Most recently we have seen examples of this in the United States.

In general, what we see are cuts to research funding, and scrutiny of so-called “undesirable” fields of study. 

Combined with a rise in disinformation, political interference, censorship, harassment, self-censorship, market-driven constraints, and legislative limits on institutional autonomy.

And new cross-border threats include foreign interference in research, transnational repression, and online intimidation of scholars.

Dear friends,

This type of silencing of critical voices is not a coincidence but completely deliberate.

And a spectrum of means and methods are used.

One method is a “strategic lawsuit against public participation” — known as a SLAPPs.

We know it is frequently used against journalists, but also against academics.

The plaintiff does not necessarily expect to win — but for him or her, it is enough to censor and intimidate the defendant.

At the same time, SLAPPs can be both expensive and exhausting for defendants.

Meanwhile, SLAPPs and other forms of intimidation not only affect the target, but might also frighten others, so that they start holding back their views.

Dear friends,

We all know it, but to defend democracy, we must support, promote and fight for academic freedom.

That means rebuilding trust between institutions and society and between expertise and public debate.

It means restoring confidence in expertise, knowledge and an informed dialogue.

It also means working together across multilateral platforms to ensure that individual scholars have academic freedom and that universities have autonomy.

In 2007, in its “Recommendation to member states on the public responsibility for higher education and research”, the Committee of Ministers said, I quote:

“[…] public authorities should respect the principle of institutional autonomy and acknowledge that funding, motivating and stimulating the development of higher education and research is as important a part of public responsibility.”

That year, the Council of Europe’s Democratic Mission of Higher Education was launched.

It includes our long-standing commitment to higher education as a cornerstone of democracy, human rights, and the rule of law.

And it builds on two decades of policy and legal work, which today also has a focus on strengthening legal and policy frameworks, monitoring and awareness, institutional capacity-building and international cooperation.

To complete the picture, let me also mention here that last year, the Council of Europe launched “Academic Freedom in Action”.

It is a project that directly reinforces our commitment to academic freedom, providing a platform for concrete dialogue and collaboration through exchanges, expert reports, and a new monitoring platform.

And last year, we launched our Education Strategy “Learners First”, aiming to ensure that all learners will be able to fully exercise their rights as active citizens in European democratic societies.

Well, we have done a lot.

But more is definitely needed.

I know that a new Recommendation of the Committee of Ministers on academic freedom is currently under preparation.

It will seek to consolidate existing standards and guide member states in strengthening protection at national level.

This is a good step.

At the same time, I understand that there is growing consensus on the need for a new legally binding international instrument: a new Convention on Academic Freedom.

This proposal is now being discussed, and it reflects a shared understanding that the current legal frameworks are insufficient and unevenly applied.

I hope that this year’s Academic Freedom in Action conference will provide a vital platform to advance this conversation.

Our friend Albert Einstein finished his definition of academic freedom by saying that, I quote: “it is evident that any restriction on academic freedom acts in such a way as to hamper the dissemination of knowledge among the people and thereby impedes national judgment and action.”

Let us make sure that the dissemination of knowledge flows freely in our societies.

Let us make sure that there are no restrictions on academic freedom, anywhere.

Let us make sure that our universities are free to teach and study what they want, teach critical thinking, to advance knowledge, and to nurture active citizenship.

And let us make sure we live in democratic societies that encourage critical thinking and that advance knowledge.

Thank you for your attention.