As delivered by Bjørn Berge, Deputy Secretary General of the Council of Europe

Dear friends,

It has been a day of thoughtful presentations, discussions and valuable exchanges.

I want to thank all those who have helped shape this conversation.

And yet, we met at a time of deep uncertainty and turmoil — for Europe, and for democracy.

Across our continent and beyond, the way ahead feels less certain, more contested, and more fragile than many of us have known in a generation.

Some political forces, here in Europe and around the world, are questioning the rules-based international we built after the Second World War.

At its core are the fundamental principles of the UN Charter: respect for sovereignty and territorial integrity, and the peaceful settlement of disputes.

A multilateral system supported by international organisations like the UN, the EU and the Council of Europe — all working to find solutions to the challenges we face together. 

In fact, what we are witnessing is the slow unravelling of the core building blocks of the international system we have built — carefully, deliberately, brick by brick —  on the promise of ‘never again’ since the end of the Second World War 80 years ago.

What is certain is that President Putin is determined to dismantle that order. In speech after speech, he has declared that “international relations have entered an era of global, fundamental changes,” that “a new world order is being formed,” and that “this natural process is irreversible.”

What is more: he has turned hostility towards the West — its values, its institutions, its way-of-life — into a long-term political doctrine.

At the same time, Russia has become a full-fledged war-economy, driven by imperial ambitions.  And that does not bode well for the future of Europe, or the world community.

But the challenges to the international order are not coming from Russia alone.

In the United States, President Trump has floated the idea of acquiring Greenland as a serious policy consideration.

His administration has questioned longstanding alliances, sharply reduced contributions to international organisations, and introduced high tariffs that risk sparking a new global trade war.

Earlier this year, U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio stated during his Senate confirmation: “The postwar global order is not just obsolete, it is now a weapon being used against us.”

That should concern us all.

This brings me to my second point: conquest is back.

Since 1945, the idea that countries should not conquer each other's territory has been a cornerstone of the international order.

Of course, this principle has been challenged before — in the Falkland Islands in 1982, and in Kuwait in 1990. But in both cases, the international community responded decisively.

That changed in 2014, when Russia illegally annexed Crimea. The global response was not strong enough to reverse it — and a new normal began to take hold.

Then came February 2022: a full-scale invasion of Ukraine — an attempt to erase a sovereign nation, the second largest country in Europe.

If Russia is allowed to hold onto Ukrainian territory — and if the world accepts that — it will only encourage others to attempt similar acts of aggression.

This has taken place amidst a growing sense of impunity.

Too many governments act as if they can do whatever they want — with no consequences.

They disregard international law.

They violate the United Nations Charter without hesitation.

They ignore international human rights conventions and defy international courts.

They mock humanitarian law.

They invade other countries, destroy societies, and neglect their own people.

And now, the crisis in Gaza has become a relentless nightmare — one that threatens to engulf the entire region.

And far too often, nothing really happens — it has no real consequences.

As UN SG Antonio Guterres has said: “The level of impunity in the world is politically indefensible and morally intolerable.”

And if that were not enough, we see that impunity is spreading in European democracies.

Journalists are harassed, arrested — even killed.

Civil society is silenced or branded as foreign agents.

Courts are no longer as independent as they should be.

Elections are manipulated by disinformation and campaigns on social media.

And corruption continues to erode public trust across the continent.

In short, our democracies are being targeted — undermined from within and weakened over time.

That is what we often refer to as the backsliding of democracy.

Dear friends,

The world we are entering is deeply troubling.

It risks becoming a place where ‘the law of the jungle’ prevails — not the principles of UN Charter or international law.

A world where the powerful do as they please. Or as the great philosopher Thucydides warned nearly two thousand years ago: “The strong do as they will, and the weak suffer what they must.”

And what is truly astonishing is the speed at which these changes have happened.

Before our very eyes, we are witnessing a fundamental shift in international politics — from the so-called liberal world order to something else.

Perhaps not a new order, but simply a world in disorder.

Unless we decide to act today, this trajectory will continue.

That brings us to a fundamental question: how do we respond to these deeply troubling developments?

How do we restore certainty, revitalise our democracies, end conquest, and confront impunity?

Too often in Europe, we take peace and freedom for granted.

But if the war in Ukraine has taught us one thing, it is that we must fight for our rights, our freedom — and for our democracies.

Yes, we must continue to do everything we can to support Ukraine. Military, political, financial and humanitarian assistance remains vital — especially now, as discussions continue around a possible ceasefire and the need for a just and lasting peace.

Dear friends,

This moment in our history calls for renewed political vision.

That is why the Council of Europe has launched the call for a “New Democratic Pact for Europe.”

This is not about reinventing democracy.

It is about renewing trust, reinforcing foundations, and making democracy work — better than today, for everyone, and with everyone.

A democracy that delivers.

A democracy that includes.

A democracy that helps ensure peace and stability in Europe.

This is the way ahead.

As we walk that path, we need to make more space for all voices — in particular, those of young people.

I heard their call here at this conference, with the presence of young Belarusians in exile.

I felt this spirit back in Strasbourg, where I recently met 80 Serbian students who cycled over 1,400 kilometres from Novi Sad to deliver a message to us in Strasbourg about accountability and their commitment to democracy.

And I saw their enthusiasm last month in Lviv, Ukraine, where thousands of young Ukrainians came together for the launch of their city as European Youth Capital 2025 — the first ever in a country at war.

Taken together, these young people show that the ideal of democracy, as the best form of government, is alive on our continent.

And I say this mindful that there is a growing disillusionment among young Europeans about the capacity of democracies to deliver.

In some European countries, only one in three young people say democracy matters.

Many say also they would prefer strong leaders who bypass elections.

If we do not engage them now, others will — and they will not speak for our values.

That is also why Russia’s full-fledged invasion of Ukraine — this egregious crime of aggression - the political decision to invade and conquer another country - in fact is the worst of all crimes — and it must not and should not go unpunished.

To do that, we need to fill in a blatant hole in international law.

And that is where the work of the Council of Europe, and the ongoing efforts to establish a new Special Tribunal on the Crime of Aggression, with a Core Group of international experts from over 40 countries and the EU, comes into play.

Just last month, in Strasbourg, this Core Group agreed on all the necessary legal and technical documents to enable the creation of the Special Tribunal, within the framework of the Council of Europe.

And hopefully next week, Secretary General Alain Berset will receive a letter from President Zelensky launching the process to conclude a bilateral agreement under which the Council of Europe and Ukraine will establish the Special Tribunal, with the support of numerous countries.

Such a tribunal would be more than a legal response. It would represent a political commitment to accountability — and it would send a clear message not only to Russia, but to Europe and the world.

Dear friends,

When the US Chief Prosecutor, Robert Jackson, opened the Nuremberg Trials in November 1945 — the last time the world community addressed the issue of crime of aggression — he spoke of power and reason.

That power must answer to reason.

But power rests on more than bombs, bullets, or economic coercion.

It also depends a great deal on you and me — on our willingness to fight for our freedom and fundamental rights, to defend our democracies, and to help uphold and protect the values we all share. 

Let that be our call to action — here, today, in peaceful and beautiful Kristiansand.

I thank you for your attention.