Statement by Mr Aslan ABASHIDZE, Head of the Autonomous Republic of Adjara (Georgia)

5 June 2002

Distinguished President,
Ladies and gentlemen,

To my great sorrow, I have come to address you at one of the most difficult periods of my country's history. I have come to talk on the most acute issue - the issue of how to regulate the conflict between Tbilisi and Sokhumi. I stress, in particular, the existence of the conflict between Tbilisi and Sokhumi, as to describe the conflict as "Georgian-Abkhazian" has nothing in common with either history or reality, as this conflict is the result of the politicians currently in power, not of those nations which have suffered due to this fratricidal war. For many centuries these two nations - Georgians and Abkhazians - not only lived together in peace and mutual respect, but also created and strengthened the basis of the Georgian state through their joint efforts.

Without doubt, the reason for my speech is designed to reveal the current complicated reality within Georgia and to demonstrate to you the reasons and roots of the conflict, as well as the existing problems, and the means and possibilities for their resolution.

But let us begin from the origin of the current situation.

While many leaders of the Soviet republics, were aware of the coming collapse of the Soviet Union, and firmly defended their national interests, they abstained from any actual real steps or developments. However, Georgians under the direction of their national leaders, chose to take a course which surpassed events, and broke through the already wide-open door provided by a state in the throes of death - but a still powerful one.

These waves of political inertia began from the outside, unstoppably gained ground, at first creating the conflict in Osetia, disrupting the unity of Georgia and providing the ground for confrontation between the governing leaders.

The brutal resistance thrown up by this turned into a civil war with its epicentre in the capital, Tbilisi. War engulfed the whole country, except Adjara, where the authorities of the Autonomous Republic managed, through an incredible effort to close the administrative border in the face of unruly groups of heavily armed gangs. These gangs were determined to establish a "new order" and were being directed from the centre to create new bloodshed, robberies, violations and looting.

Through all of these actions - which were conducted under the pretence of establishing this "new order" through adherence to the West and western values with the false intention of creating and strengthening the democratic system - their own cities and villages, bridges and communications, schools and hospitals were bombed and destroyed. Mass emigration followed of the Georgian and non-Georgian population making hundreds of refugees homeless and seeking the means to survive.

Unfortunately no one stopped these people. Despite all my efforts and vocal protests, I could not manage it either, being the Deputy Head of State under the first as well as the current President from 1991 until early 1996.

But since we were standing up to this situation, we ourselves came under attack from a harsh press with many accusations for not taking part in the civil war and the conflict in Abkhazia.

...Yes, through an incredible effort we managed to stop the heavily armed military forces at the administrative borders of Adjara in order to avoid many more tens of thousands of dead, abused women and crippled children. Due to our efforts, amidst the war Adjara managed to maintain the true face of Georgia and its people. And all of these - in order to save Georgia.

After overthrowing the legally-elected first President of Georgia, a new de facto government came into power towards the end of the civil war, headed by an already well-known figure as an adherent of democracy, the current President of Georgia, Eduard Shevardnadze.

However, relying upon him the hopes of the nation turned into disappointment for many people, as Shevardnadze had to follow the same route of that of his predecessor, which led to a further movement to difficult and complicated political, social and economic problems.

The existing chaos and devastation, caused by aggressive actions, grew because the high officials initially chose a policy of the forceful suppression of its political opponents and dissidents, which grew into open state terrorism – the basic instrument of their rule of state.

As a result of such a policy, military forces mostly consisting of inexperienced volunteers and thousands of criminals amnestied at the end of the war, were brought into the territory of Abkhazia, instead of police troops (as had been previously agreed with the Abkhazian authorities).

This historically unforgivable action, which was followed by similar events in Mengrelia and other regions of Georgia, following what happened in Osetia, represent a new attempt to destroy Georgia. All of these actions were followed by brutality and riots peculiar to all wars, provoking the abhorrence and the alienation of the Georgian people and creating a mass of complicated problems.

It is hard to understand, but we have been blamed for not participating in armed conflict against the Abkhazians.

But for all this, even at the very beginning of the war, long before the official meetings in Sochi, Moscow and Geneva, I personally agreed with the leader of Abkhazia to start peaceful negotiations in Batumi - the capital city of Adjara. I offered to send to Sokhumi, those I held most precious - my two-years old grandchild, children and wife as volunteer hostages in return for guaranteeing the safety of the members of the Abkhazian delegation, which was at the time officially outlawed.

At the same time, facing the antagonism of those in power, I sent and received government delegations led by the premiers of Sokhumi, so as not to burn the last bridges of relations with Abkhazia. And, the Abkhazians responded in the same way.

There are many examples of this. The Abkhazians, without exception, released from captivity those volunteers from Adjara who were on the territory of military actions. And whilst the general process of releasing captives was on the principal of "one for one" with the involvement of international organisations, the leader of Abkhazia just by my simple request unconditionally released 50 captives - ranging from soldiers to senior officers and not just those residing in Adjara, but from other regions of Georgia, as well as simultaneously offering to start the process of returning refugees to Gali. Therefore the process of returning the first group began exactly in Adjara and later from the rest of Georgia.

In an attempt to stop the escalation of military actions, Mr Ardzinba, by my offer, declared a one-day unilateral cease-fire calling Tbilisi to sit at the bargaining table.

No action was taken owing to the bellicose nature of Tbilisi at that time...

...Yes, this crisis has its prehistory, and its creation has reasons. But, these reasons came from an extremely centralised system of government, which could not stand and strictly suppressed any appearance of dissidence as well as initiatives and propositions offered by others - even in the state's favour.

One, which especially state officials should remember, is that ever since the very beginning, power was formed not to suppress its own people, but to protect them and provide for their prosperity.

And laws with norms were created and strengthened to protect the weak from the strong, and to defend the honest from the wicked.

And therefore, this mean that high moral values were passed from generation to generation.

And only then were armies and weapons formed to avoid any infringement of the Motherland and to defend its honour.

Yes, there were mistakes - but from both sides.

Mistakes made by the Centre dominate. Strong does not become weak due to the corrections of its actions, but quite the contrary. Strength allows for the maintenance of principal and firm superiority, and the possibility to find compromises to maintain peace and stability in the name of high national interests.

If someone should consider my position as an apologist for the Abkhazian people, then this would be just a superficial judgement. First of all, I am an apologist for my country, my people and an apologist for peace and mutual understanding – and not only in Georgia.

It is a paradox, but such an attitude, in the absence of trust between Sokhumi and Tbilisi, makes me believe that our participation in searching for a settlement to the conflict will be successful – as we are trusted absolutely. And then, Abkhazians and Georgians together with the persecuted and wretched people will be able to achieve peace and rest. However, the great costs and consequences of the conflict and the complete mistrust of the Georgian government, forces Sokhumi to make radical conditions that are entirely unacceptable for Tbilisi.

However, those serious consequences, because of the isolation of Abkhazia, will more and more make the life of its population unbearable.

Therefore, the settlement of a wide-ranging agreement between Sokhumi and Tbilisi must be found within the framework of the territorial integrity of Georgia, including the warranty of legal rights and interests for the small, but multinational population of Abkhazia, and backed up with strong international guarantees. If we really want the gradual return of the refugees and the peaceful coexistence of Abkhazians and Georgians, then we should expel any thought of a military settlement, which would only bring new bloodshed and a widening of the situation across the whole area of the Caucasus. Resolutions from the UN Security Council, the results of joint meetings, the Yalta Declaration from the Georgian and Abkhazian sides of March 16, 2001, which reflected the aim of expelling any talk of a forceful settlement and to begin efforts the create the first stage for the safe and dignified return of refugees to their permanent residency in the Gali region of Abkhazia - these could become the basis for working out actual realised measures.

From the very beginning of the conflict, while there were still chances of a settlement, I constantly offered my assistance in resolving the conflict. But, and it may seem strange, Mr Boden, the special representative of the UN Secretary General, officially invited me to become involved in the negotiation process for resolving the conflict only at the beginning of last year. Only after this, a month later, I was assigned by the President of Georgia as his personal representative in the settlement of the conflict in Abkhazia, on December 9, 2001.

At the same time, the Abkhazian refugees, who did not trust the moves made by the Georgian authorities who had been promising their return since 1994, through regional congresses elected a previously unknown number of deputies - 12,500 - for a Congress which was held at the Sports Palace in the capital city of Georgia, where it was decided unanimously to give me a vote of confidence for solely conducting the process of negotiations to settle the conflict.

You should not trust this move by the authorities. One cannot expect a positive outcome from the negotiations between the confrontational sides, when the Georgian authorities offer Abkhazia a higher status than that of an Autonomous Republic within Georgia, but at the same time expelling Abkhazia from the Constitution of Georgia.

One cannot reach a positive result by holding a dialogue with the elected leadership of Abkhazia and simultaneously maintaining the so-called legitimate authority of this Republic in Tbilisi.

One cannot reach this goal when parliamentarians from Abkhazia, as well as, structures such as the Supreme Council and Council of Ministers elected before the conflict started sit in the Parliament of Georgia.

Considering the seriousness of the situation of the region in whole, we believe that it is absolutely necessary together with the other international organisations to actively involve the Congress of the Council of Europe into the conflict resolution process, because the conflict itself had started on the regional level.

We have undertaken the first most important steps at the beginning of the talks conducted in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Federation held with Mr. Igor Ivanov, the Minister of Foreign Affairs, and a Secretary of State Mr. Valery Loshchinin, his First Deputy. During the course of these meetings at the Ministry for Foreign Affairs, I am convinced that I have found not only complete understanding and support for the implementation of such a difficult mission, but I was assured of the readiness of the Russian authorities for the peaceful settlement of the conflict through all means.

My belief was further confirmed as because of the necessity of regular co-ordination in the course of the negotiation process, the President of Russia, Mr. Vladimir Putin, appointed Mr. Valery Loshchinin, a Secretary of State and the First Deputy Foreign Affairs Minister of Russia, as his special representative in the settlement of the Georgian-Abkhazian conflict – according to my proposal.

Our peaceful initiatives were also supported at their first stage in terms of the solution of the economic problems which concern not just the interests of Abkhazia, but also those of all the countries in the region: Russia, Georgia, Turkey, Azerbaijan and Armenia.

These are:
- the complete reconstruction of railway communications;
- the transit of energy resources (electricity and natural gas) through Abkhazia and the western regions of Georgia to Turkey; the transit of energy resources via Abkhazia and the western regions of Georgia to the Republic of Turkey. And all of these must be undertaken under the unconditional abolishment of the current economic sanctions, allowing the population – which will play an important role in determining the political positions during the negotiation process –relief from the hard economic conditions.

However, the position of those officials who have argued against the enlargement of the mandate of the Russian peace-keeping forces is today bewildering. This is not only an underestimation of the contribution made by these forces for the stability in the region, but it is also incomprehension that any repeal of the mandate, for the reason of mistrust, inevitably causes leaving Russia from the active negotiation process and would provoke a new phase in the conflict, and with unexpected outcomes.

Yes, once more I say, I am addressing you at one of the most difficult periods of my country, but at the same time I strongly believe that with joint efforts the conflict between the two nations linked by history will be resolved.